Maya Population in the Classic Period
Today, as in ancient times, Maya families live in large huts made of poles and dried mud. In the lowlands, these perishable structures are often set upon low stone or clay platforms to raise their floors above the wet jungle soils. Usually, several houses of related family members are placed facing each other around open courtyards; these plaza groups are placed together to form tiny villages. When these settlements are abandoned, the only remaining evidence of them a few decades later are very low mounds formed from their buried foundation platforms. Archaeologists studying the ruins of the classic period of Maya civilization (300-900 c.E.) in present-day Mexico disagree on the best method to determine the size of household groups and, in turn, the population of the ancient people. Based on observations of the modern Maya people as well as written sources from the sixteenth century, some archaeologists have estimated that each residential structure was the domicile of a nuclear family of four to ten or more members. In order to estimate the population, archaeologists count the number of house mounds. Styles of potsherds (pottery fragments) from the surface and from excavations near these residences are used to date them. Then, the number of mounds for a given period is multiplied by the average estimated family size, usually about 5.6 members.
Obviously, such demographic calculations can only be taken as the most general estimates as there remain controversies about even the most basic unit of Maya society. The number of individuals per structure may have varied by region, by chronological period, and with the social standing of the family involved. In areas of lower population density or among families of higher status, the space per individual might have been higher and a single nuclear family could have occupied several structures. Recent evidence from unusually well-preserved house groups found not only such variability in residential space, but also evidence that many structures might have had special nonresidential functions. Some platforms may have supported work or storage areas, or shrines for ancestor worship or rituals conducted by shamans. Assumptions of uniformity in family size and structure use might be inflating many population estimates.
On the other hand, other recent archaeological excavations and ethnographic observations have raised the “invisible structure” problem: the presence of structures, including residences, that were mot raised on low platforms and would be overlooked by Maya archaeologists and omitted from their calculations. The presence of such structures can lead to underestimation of population sizes. Archaeologists try to adjust for “invisible structures” by randomly testing around visible household groups and in level areas between compounds to discover such structures and try to ascertain their size, function, and frequency in a given period at a specific place where people lived. Then demographic estimates based on house mound groups can be adjusted by a specified factor.
Regardless of which estimates are used, Classic Maya urban populations, though dispersed, were still remarkably high for a preindustrial society. Even moving away from the site centers to intersite areas, substantial populations were still present. Rural areas between Classic-period Maya cities had estimated populations of up to 200 people per square kilometer. Indeed, archaeological settlement surveys of sample areas between centers show almost continuous occupation for some regions in the Late Classic period, and the boundaries between major sites can only be drawn arbitrarily across areas of slightly more sparse occupation. Western civilization’s urban-versus-rural distinction is inapplicable to the Classic Maya world.
As centers grew in the Late Classic period, some sites became more densely populated, contradicting the generally dispersed nature of Maya urbanism. Some huge sites such as Caracol, Tikal, and Calakmul may have had populations of over 100,000 persons. In such cases, networks of road and river transport may have been used to move even basic foodstuffs to site core areas. At sites in the Petén, and especially in the drier regions of the northern and eastern Yucatan peninsula, the density of architecture and paved plazas in centers allowed for collection and storage of water supplies in reservoirs and underground wells.
1.
Today, as in ancient times, Maya families live in large huts made of poles and dried mud. In the lowlands, these perishable structures are often set upon low stone or clay platforms to raise their floors above the wet jungle soils. Usually, several houses of related family members are placed facing each other around open courtyards; these plaza groups are placed together to form tiny villages. When these settlements are abandoned, the only remaining evidence of them a few decades later are very low mounds formed from their buried foundation platforms. Archaeologists studying the ruins of the classic period of Maya civilization (300-900 c.E.) in present-day Mexico disagree on the best method to determine the size of household groups and, in turn, the population of the ancient people. Based on observations of the modern Maya people as well as written sources from the sixteenth century, some archaeologists have estimated that each residential structure was the domicile of a nuclear family of four to ten or more members. In order to estimate the population, archaeologists count the number of house mounds. Styles of potsherds (pottery fragments) from the surface and from excavations near these residences are used to date them. Then, the number of mounds for a given period is multiplied by the average estimated family size, usually about 5.6 members.
According to paragraph 1, all of the following are true of today’s Maya residences EXCEPT:
Negative Factual Information Questions否定事实信息题
AThey are made in part of dried mud.
BThey are raised above the ground in some areas.
CThey are often built on top of the ruins of older Maya structures.
DThey are arranged in small groups around open areas
2.
Obviously, such demographic calculations can only be taken as the most general estimates as there remain controversies about even the most basic unit of Maya society. The number of individuals per structure may have varied by region, by chronological period, and with the social standing of the family involved. In areas of lower population density or among families of higher status, the space per individual might have been higher and a single nuclear family could have occupied several structures. Recent evidence from unusually well-preserved house groups found not only such variability in residential space, but also evidence that many structures might have had special nonresidential functions. Some platforms may have supported work or storage areas, or shrines for ancestor worship or rituals conducted by shamans. Assumptions of uniformity in family size and structure use might be inflating many population estimates.
According to paragraph 1, archaeologists studying Maya ruins use “potsherds” for which of the following purposes?
Rhetorical Purpose Questions修辞目的题
ATo estimate the size of an average Maya family
BTo confirm the accuracy of written sources from the sixteenth century
CTo calculate the number of residential structures in typical Maya villages
DTo establish the time when a particular structure was occupied
3.
Obviously, such demographic calculations can only be taken as the most general estimates as there remain controversies about even the most basic unit of Maya society. The number of individuals per structure may have varied by region, by chronological period, and with the social standing of the family involved. In areas of lower population density or among families of higher status, the space per individual might have been higher and a single nuclear family could have occupied several structures. Recent evidence from unusually well-preserved house groups found not only such variability in residential space, but also evidence that many structures might have had special nonresidential functions. Some platforms may have supported work or storage areas, or shrines for ancestor worship or rituals conducted by shamans. Assumptions of uniformity in family size and structure use might be inflating many population estimates.
The word “controversies” in the passage is closest in meaning to
Vocabulary Questions词汇题
Adisagreements
Bfalse assumptions
Cmysteries
Dconcerns
4.
Obviously, such demographic calculations can only be taken as the most general estimates as there remain controversies about even the most basic unit of Maya society. The number of individuals per structure may have varied by region, by chronological period, and with the social standing of the family involved. In areas of lower population density or among families of higher status, the space per individual might have been higher and a single nuclear family could have occupied several structures. Recent evidence from unusually well-preserved house groups found not only such variability in residential space, but also evidence that many structures might have had special nonresidential functions. Some platforms may have supported work or storage areas, or shrines for ancestor worship or rituals conducted by shamans. Assumptions of uniformity in family size and structure use might be inflating many population estimates.
What is the author’s purpose in mentioning that “Some platforms may have supported work or storage areas, or shrines for ancestor worship or rituals conducted by shamans”?
Rhetorical Purpose Questions修辞目的题
ATo provide evidence of the complexity of early Maya society
BTo illustrate the idea that families of high status owned many structures used for different purposes
CTo identify the types of structures that would have been needed to support a large population
DTo support the claim that not all Maya structures were used as living spaces
5.
On the other hand, other recent archaeological excavations and ethnographic observations have raised the “invisible structure” problem: the presence of structures, including residences, that were mot raised on low platforms and would be overlooked by Maya archaeologists and omitted from their calculations. The presence of such structures can lead to underestimation of population sizes. Archaeologists try to adjust for “invisible structures” by randomly testing around visible household groups and in level areas between compounds to discover such structures and try to ascertain their size, function, and frequency in a given period at a specific place where people lived. Then demographic estimates based on house mound groups can be adjusted by a specified factor.
Which of the following can be inferred from paragraph 3 about the Maya structures that were not raised on low platforms?
Inference Questions推理题
AThey served different purposes than the structures that were raised on low platforms did
BThey should not be included in population calculations because their function is unclear
CIt is unlikely that they were used as residences.
DThere is no visible evidence of their existence above ground today.
6.
On the other hand, other recent archaeological excavations and ethnographic observations have raised the “invisible structure” problem: the presence of structures, including residences, that were mot raised on low platforms and would be overlooked by Maya archaeologists and omitted from their calculations. The presence of such structures can lead to underestimation of population sizes. Archaeologists try to adjust for “invisible structures” by randomly testing around visible household groups and in level areas between compounds to discover such structures and try to ascertain their size, function, and frequency in a given period at a specific place where people lived. Then demographic estimates based on house mound groups can be adjusted by a specified factor.
Why do archaeologists test “around visible household groups and in level areas between compounds”?
Rhetorical Purpose Questions修辞目的题
ATo improve their estimate of the total number of people that lived in the area
BTo look for the low platforms on which houses once stood
CTo determine if most Maya lived in sets of compounds
DTo calculate how many people lived in houses that left behind groups of mounds
7.
Regardless of which estimates are used, Classic Maya urban populations, though dispersed, were still remarkably high for a preindustrial society. Even moving away from the site centers to intersite areas, substantial populations were still present. Rural areas between Classic-period Maya cities had estimated populations of up to 200 people per square kilometer. Indeed, archaeological settlement surveys of sample areas between centers show almost continuous occupation for some regions in the Late Classic period, and the boundaries between major sites can only be drawn arbitrarily across areas of slightly more sparse occupation. Western civilization’s urban-versus-rural distinction is inapplicable to the Classic Maya world.
Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information
Sentence Simplification Questions句子简化题
ASome regions of the Late Classic period were occupied continuously. while other major sites were separated by areas of sparse occupation.
BIn the Late Classic period. almost the entire area between some site centers was occupied. and there were no clear boundaries between major sites.
CArchaeological settlement surveys of sample areas between centers confirm the boundaries drawn between major sites of the Late Classic period.
DArchaeological settlement surveys have studied the boundaries between Late Classic site centers. which were drawn across areas of sparse occupation
8.
As centers grew in the Late Classic period, some sites became more densely populated, contradicting the generally dispersed nature of Maya urbanism. Some huge sites such as Caracol, Tikal, and Calakmul may have had populations of over 100,000 persons. In such cases, networks of road and river transport may have been used to move even basic foodstuffs to site core areas. At sites in the Petén, and especially in the drier regions of the northern and eastern Yucatan peninsula, the density of architecture and paved plazas in centers allowed for collection and storage of water supplies in reservoirs and underground wells.
According to paragraph 5, which TWO of the following were developments in Maya population centers in the Late Classic period? To receive credit. you must select TWO answers.
Factual Information Questions事实信息题
Select 2 answers
AThe urban population may have become more dispersed.
BThe centers’ core areas probably obtained essential food from other areas.
CArchitectural and technological developments made it possible for people to store water in urban areas
DThe population shifted from earlier sites such as Caracol, Tikal and Calakmul to drier areas of the Yucatán peninsula.
9.
Today, as in ancient times, Maya families live in large huts made of poles and dried mud. In the lowlands, these perishable structures are often set upon low stone or clay platforms to raise their floors above the wet jungle soils. ⬛Usually, several houses of related family members are placed facing each other around open courtyards; these plaza groups are placed together to form tiny villages. ⬛When these settlements are abandoned, the only remaining evidence of them a few decades later are very low mounds formed from their buried foundation platforms. ⬛Archaeologists studying the ruins of the classic period of Maya civilization (300-900 c.E.) in present-day Mexico disagree on the best method to determine the size of household groups and, in turn, the population of the ancient people. ⬛Based on observations of the modern Maya people as well as written sources from the sixteenth century, some archaeologists have estimated that each residential structure was the domicile of a nuclear family of four to ten or more members. In order to estimate the population, archaeologists count the number of house mounds. Styles of potsherds (pottery fragments) from the surface and from excavations near these residences are used to date them. Then, the number of mounds for a given period is multiplied by the average estimated family size, usually about 5.6 members.
Look at the four squaresthat indicate where the following sentence could be added to the passage
Scientists rely on these remains in estimating past population densitiesInsert.
Text Questions句子插入题
Where would the sentence best fit？Click on a square sentence to the passage.
10.
The residences of modern Maya people are similar to those of the ancient Maya.
Prose Summary Questions概要小结题
Select 3 answers
AThe similarity of modern and ancient Maya houses has allowed archeologists to reach agreement about the average Maya family size during the Classic period.
BThe discovery that low platforms were used for houses, but were no used for nonresidential structures, resulted in more precise estimates of the Maya population
CIn regions that produced little food, the size of the Maya population centers was limited by the need to transport large quantities of food from distant rural areas
DIt is hard to calculate the ancient Maya population because the number of people occupying each structure may have been different and because some structures’ remains are now invisible
EArchaeologists have established that the Late Classic Maya population, which was of nearly equal density in urban and rural areas, was relatively large for a preindustrial society.
FDuring the Late Classic period, the density of some urban areas increased and a few cities reached populations of over 100,000.
