TF阅读真题第945篇The Collapse of Copán

The Collapse of Copán

题目：

 

The ancient Mayan kingdom of Copan, in what is now western Honduras, flourished for many years in the first millennium but declined sharply in the eighth or ninth century A.D. A major factor in this collapse was the failure of its ruling dynasty to retain its legitimacy or to solve Copan’s problems. Like their counterparts in ancient Egypt and China, Mayan rulers promoted themselves as guarantors of balance and harmony in the cosmos and of the well- being of their kingdoms. Between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the Mayan world was increasingly perturbed by disorder resulting from many causes, and we have no clear evidence that kings, or for that matter their associated officials and nobility, ever took effective and practical managerial action to contend with developing crises. Instead, kings probably responded with time-tested rituals aimed at averting or regulating chaos. No matter how well these seemed to work in earlier times in Copan, they clearly failed at the end. The Copan royal dynasty was blamed for the situation by the lesser elite. Such a situation would explain many things, including the apparent weakness of King Yax Pasaj during the last part of his reign in the early ninth century, his abrupt departure, the feeble and unsuccessful attempts to continue his dynastic line, the halt in royal construction and monument carving that took place at this time, and the abandonment of the old royal sections of the city. The dynastic rule was ultimately rejected because of its manifest inability to deliver on the order it promised.

Another explanation for Copan’s collapse is based on the idea that it derived much of its wealth and prestige from the brokering of commerce that connected the Mayan Lowlands proper with the highlands of southeastern Central America and the interior valleys of central Honduras. Disruption of this commerce might consequently have contributed to this collapse. However, this is a dubious proposition; field research shows that little exotic or foreign material actually shows up in archaeological contexts (as would be expected for a city specializing in trade), and imports from the core of the Mayan Lowlands are particularly sparse. Most of what we do find is marine shell, jade, fancy pottery, minerals such as cinnabar and pyrite, and other items consumed mainly by the elite people. Not only is traffic in these things apparently small, but many of them might have wound up at Copan through mechanisms other than trade, such as the exchange of gifts among prominent people. Their importation was probably intermittent, stimulated by the situational demand for fine materials required for specific events such as royal funerals. Only one imported material-obsidian (volcanic black glass used for jewelry and weaponry)-shows up ubiquitously in excavations at Copan. Calculations show that it was procured on a small annual scale, and clearly it was a sufficiently cheap commodity that everyone had access to it. There seemed to be no drop-off in its availability after kings(and eventually nobles) disappeared from the scene, so its flow was never in fact disrupted.

Other scholars have tried to force Copan’s decline into the theory attributing the collapse of Mayan states to a long and severe drought during this period. But the archaeological facts as we know them do not fit very well. We certainly have no evidence that the Copan River or its tributaries ever dried up, depriving the local populations of drinking water. What fits this theory best is the dynastic collapse around 800 c.E., just when the drought is supposed to have begun. But even here the coincidence is suspect-dynastic stresses apparently started to build up a generation earlier. More revealing is the disjunction between the demographic profile and the predictions of the drought theory. Populations remained near peak levels for at least the first century of the presumed drought interval, and more than half the people were still there in 950 c.E. Even elite activity flickered on until about the time the drought is supposed to have ended. None of this is consistent with a devastating dry interval.

 

 

 

 

 

1

The ancient Mayan kingdom of Copan, in what is now western Honduras, flourished for many years in the first millennium but declined sharply in the eighth or ninth century A.D. A major factor in this collapse was the failure of its ruling dynasty to retain its legitimacy or to solve Copan’s problems. Like their counterparts in ancient Egypt and China, Mayan rulers promoted themselves as guarantors of balance and harmony in the cosmos and of the well- being of their kingdoms. Between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the Mayan world was increasingly perturbed by disorder resulting from many causes, and we have no clear evidence that kings, or for that matter their associated officials and nobility, ever took effective and practical managerial action to contend with developing crises. Instead, kings probably responded with time-tested rituals aimed at averting or regulating chaos. No matter how well these seemed to work in earlier times in Copan, they clearly failed at the end. The Copan royal dynasty was blamed for the situation by the lesser elite. Such a situation would explain many things, including the apparent weakness of King Yax Pasaj during the last part of his reign in the early ninth century, his abrupt departure, the feeble and unsuccessful attempts to continue his dynastic line, the halt in royal construction and monument carving that took place at this time, and the abandonment of the old royal sections of the city. The dynastic rule was ultimately rejected because of its manifest inability to deliver on the order it promised.

Which of the sentences below best expresses the essential information in the highlighted sentence in the passage? Incorrect choices change the meaning in important ways or leave out essential information

 

Sentence Simplification Questions句子简化题

 

AThe disorder in the Mayan world between the sixth and the ninth centuries prevented its rulers from contending with crises.

BMayan rulers failed to contend with the disorder in their world.between the sixth and the ninth centunes

CThere is no evidence that Mayan kings were perturbed by the disorder that developed between the sixth and the ninth centuries

DMayan officials and nobility failed to help the kings in their efforts to contend with the crises that developed between the sixth and the ninth centuries.

2

The ancient Mayan kingdom of Copan, in what is now western Honduras, flourished for many years in the first millennium but declined sharply in the eighth or ninth century A.D. A major factor in this collapse was the failure of its ruling dynasty to retain its legitimacy or to solve Copan’s problems. Like their counterparts in ancient Egypt and China, Mayan rulers promoted themselves as guarantors of balance and harmony in the cosmos and of the well- being of their kingdoms. Between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the Mayan world was increasingly perturbed by disorder resulting from many causes, and we have no clear evidence that kings, or for that matter their associated officials and nobility, ever took effective and practical managerial action to contend with developing crises. Instead, kings probably responded with time-tested rituals aimed at averting or regulating chaos. No matter how well these seemed to work in earlier times in Copan, they clearly failed at the end. The Copan royal dynasty was blamed for the situation by the lesser elite. Such a situation would explain many things, including the apparent weakness of King Yax Pasaj during the last part of his reign in the early ninth century, his abrupt departure, the feeble and unsuccessful attempts to continue his dynastic line, the halt in royal construction and monument carving that took place at this time, and the abandonment of the old royal sections of the city. The dynastic rule was ultimately rejected because of its manifest inability to deliver on the order it promised.

Paragraph 1 states that Mayan rulers resembled the rulers of ancient Egypt and China in that they all

 

Factual Information Questions事实信息题

 

Aruled over kingdoms that collapsed because of long periods when social harmony was lacking

Bmade decisions alone without taking advice from associated officials and nobility

Cclaimed that they could control both their kingdoms and the universe beyond

Dstruggled to maintain the legitimacy of their rule

3

The ancient Mayan kingdom of Copan, in what is now western Honduras, flourished for many years in the first millennium but declined sharply in the eighth or ninth century A.D. A major factor in this collapse was the failure of its ruling dynasty to retain its legitimacy or to solve Copan’s problems. Like their counterparts in ancient Egypt and China, Mayan rulers promoted themselves as guarantors of balance and harmony in the cosmos and of the well- being of their kingdoms. Between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the Mayan world was increasingly perturbed by disorder resulting from many causes, and we have no clear evidence that kings, or for that matter their associated officials and nobility, ever took effective and practical managerial action to contend with developing crises. Instead, kings probably responded with time-tested rituals aimed at averting or regulating chaos. No matter how well these seemed to work in earlier times in Copan, they clearly failed at the end. The Copan royal dynasty was blamed for the situation by the lesser elite. Such a situation would explain many things, including the apparent weakness of King Yax Pasaj during the last part of his reign in the early ninth century, his abrupt departure, the feeble and unsuccessful attempts to continue his dynastic line, the halt in royal construction and monument carving that took place at this time, and the abandonment of the old royal sections of the city. The dynastic rule was ultimately rejected because of its manifest inability to deliver on the order it promised.

All of the following are mentioned in paragraph 1 as likely occurrences during Copán’s decline EXCEPT

 

Negative Factual Information Questions否定事实信息题

 

ARoyal monuments stopped being carved

BMembers of Yax Pasaj’s family became kings after his reign ended.

CPeople stopped living in some parts of the city

DSome elite groups blamed other elites for problems

4

Another explanation for Copan’s collapse is based on the idea that it derived much of its wealth and prestige from the brokering of commerce that connected the Mayan Lowlands proper with the highlands of southeastern Central America and the interior valleys of central Honduras. Disruption of this commerce might consequently have contributed to this collapse. However, this is a dubious proposition; field research shows that little exotic or foreign material actually shows up in archaeological contexts (as would be expected for a city specializing in trade), and imports from the core of the Mayan Lowlands are particularly sparse. Most of what we do find is marine shell, jade, fancy pottery, minerals such as cinnabar and pyrite, and other items consumed mainly by the elite people. Not only is traffic in these things apparently small, but many of them might have wound up at Copan through mechanisms other than trade, such as the exchange of gifts among prominent people. Their importation was probably intermittent, stimulated by the situational demand for fine materials required for specific events such as royal funerals. Only one imported material-obsidian (volcanic black glass used for jewelry and weaponry)-shows up ubiquitously in excavations at Copan. Calculations show that it was procured on a small annual scale, and clearly it was a sufficiently cheap commodity that everyone had access to it. There seemed to be no drop-off in its availability after kings(and eventually nobles) disappeared from the scene, so its flow was never in fact disrupted.

The word “derived” in the passage is closest in meaning to

 

Vocabulary Questions词汇题

 

Awasted

Bused up

Cobtained

Dgave away

5

The ancient Mayan kingdom of Copan, in what is now western Honduras, flourished for many years in the first millennium but declined sharply in the eighth or ninth century A.D. A major factor in this collapse was the failure of its ruling dynasty to retain its legitimacy or to solve Copan’s problems. Like their counterparts in ancient Egypt and China, Mayan rulers promoted themselves as guarantors of balance and harmony in the cosmos and of the well- being of their kingdoms. Between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the Mayan world was increasingly perturbed by disorder resulting from many causes, and we have no clear evidence that kings, or for that matter their associated officials and nobility, ever took effective and practical managerial action to contend with developing crises. Instead, kings probably responded with time-tested rituals aimed at averting or regulating chaos. No matter how well these seemed to work in earlier times in Copan, they clearly failed at the end. The Copan royal dynasty was blamed for the situation by the lesser elite. Such a situation would explain many things, including the apparent weakness of King Yax Pasaj during the last part of his reign in the early ninth century, his abrupt departure, the feeble and unsuccessful attempts to continue his dynastic line, the halt in royal construction and monument carving that took place at this time, and the abandonment of the old royal sections of the city. The dynastic rule was ultimately rejected because of its manifest inability to deliver on the order it promised.

In paragraph 2, why does the author mention “the exchange of gits among prominent people”?

 

Factual Information Questions事实信息题

 

ATo help support the idea that trade was minimal in Copán society.

BTo clarify the exact use of imported goods in Mayan society

CTo support the claim that exchanging gifts was a custom limited to upper social classes

DTo add detail to the notion that trade goods were highly valued by Mayan elites

6

Another explanation for Copan’s collapse is based on the idea that it derived much of its wealth and prestige from the brokering of commerce that connected the Mayan Lowlands proper with the highlands of southeastern Central America and the interior valleys of central Honduras. Disruption of this commerce might consequently have contributed to this collapse. However, this is a dubious proposition; field research shows that little exotic or foreign material actually shows up in archaeological contexts (as would be expected for a city specializing in trade), and imports from the core of the Mayan Lowlands are particularly sparse. Most of what we do find is marine shell, jade, fancy pottery, minerals such as cinnabar and pyrite, and other items consumed mainly by the elite people. Not only is traffic in these things apparently small, but many of them might have wound up at Copan through mechanisms other than trade, such as the exchange of gifts among prominent people. Their importation was probably intermittent, stimulated by the situational demand for fine materials required for specific events such as royal funerals. Only one imported material-obsidian (volcanic black glass used for jewelry and weaponry)-shows up ubiquitously in excavations at Copan. Calculations show that it was procured on a small annual scale, and clearly it was a sufficiently cheap commodity that everyone had access to it. There seemed to be no drop-off in its availability after kings(and eventually nobles) disappeared from the scene, so its flow was never in fact disrupted.

According to paragraph 2, what is true about most foreign goods found in Copán?

 

Factual Information Questions事实信息题

 

AThey contributed greatly to the wealth and prestige of Copán.

BThey were imported regularly in large quantities.

CThey contributed to the eventual collapse of Copan

DThey were used mainly by kings and nobles.

7

Another explanation for Copan’s collapse is based on the idea that it derived much of its wealth and prestige from the brokering of commerce that connected the Mayan Lowlands proper with the highlands of southeastern Central America and the interior valleys of central Honduras. Disruption of this commerce might consequently have contributed to this collapse. However, this is a dubious proposition; field research shows that little exotic or foreign material actually shows up in archaeological contexts (as would be expected for a city specializing in trade), and imports from the core of the Mayan Lowlands are particularly sparse. Most of what we do find is marine shell, jade, fancy pottery, minerals such as cinnabar and pyrite, and other items consumed mainly by the elite people. Not only is traffic in these things apparently small, but many of them might have wound up at Copan through mechanisms other than trade, such as the exchange of gifts among prominent people. Their importation was probably intermittent, stimulated by the situational demand for fine materials required for specific events such as royal funerals. Only one imported material-obsidian (volcanic black glass used for jewelry and weaponry)-shows up ubiquitously in excavations at Copan. Calculations show that it was procured on a small annual scale, and clearly it was a sufficiently cheap commodity that everyone had access to it. There seemed to be no drop-off in its availability after kings(and eventually nobles) disappeared from the scene, so its flow was never in fact disrupted.

According to paragraph 2, obsidian differs from other materials found at Copán in that obsidian

 

Factual Information Questions事实信息题

 

Awas highly valued by the most elite people of Mayan society

Bwas used primarily for the funerals of royal leaders

Cwas present on a small scale at Copán sites because it was only available to the elite

Dwas widely used by common people

8

Other scholars have tried to force Copan’s decline into the theory attributing the collapse of Mayan states to a long and severe drought during this period. But the archaeological facts as we know them do not fit very well. We certainly have no evidence that the Copan River or its tributaries ever dried up, depriving the local populations of drinking water. What fits this theory best is the dynastic collapse around 800 c.E., just when the drought is supposed to have begun. But even here the coincidence is suspect-dynastic stresses apparently started to build up a generation earlier. More revealing is the disjunction between the demographic profile and the predictions of the drought theory. Populations remained near peak levels for at least the first century of the presumed drought interval, and more than half the people were still there in 950 c.E. Even elite activity flickered on until about the time the drought is supposed to have ended. None of this is consistent with a devastating dry interval.

The word “presumed”in the passage is closest in meaning to

 

Vocabulary Questions词汇题

 

Aexpanded

Bsupposed

Cobserved

Destablished

9

The ancient Mayan kingdom of Copan, in what is now western Honduras, flourished for many years in the first millennium but declined sharply in the eighth or ninth century A.D. [■]A major factor in this collapse was the failure of its ruling dynasty to retain its legitimacy or to solve Copan’s problems. [■]Like their counterparts in ancient Egypt and China, Mayan rulers promoted themselves as guarantors of balance and harmony in the cosmos and of the well- being of their kingdoms. [■]Between the sixth and the ninth centuries, the Mayan world was increasingly perturbed by disorder resulting from many causes, and we have no clear evidence that kings, or for that matter their associated officials and nobility, ever took effective and practical managerial action to contend with developing crises. [■]Instead, kings probably responded with time-tested rituals aimed at averting or regulating chaos. No matter how well these seemed to work in earlier times in Copan, they clearly failed at the end. The Copan royal dynasty was blamed for the situation by the lesser elite. Such a situation would explain many things, including the apparent weakness of King Yax Pasaj during the last part of his reign in the early ninth century, his abrupt departure, the feeble and unsuccessful attempts to continue his dynastic line, the halt in royal construction and monument carving that took place at this time, and the abandonment of the old royal sections of the city. The dynastic rule was ultimately rejected because of its manifest inability to deliver on the order it promised.

Look at the four squares [■]that indicate where the following sentence could be added to the passage

However, during the period of decline they could not provide the peace and prosperity that their communities expected.Insert Text Questions句子插入题

Where would the sentence best fit？Click on a square  sentence to the passage.

10

Various causes have been suggested for the rapid decline of the Mayan kingdom of Copin near the end of the first millennium.

 

Prose Summary Questions概要小结题

 

Select 3 answers

AThe failure of Copan’s rulers to resolve crises and restore order is the strongest explanation for the fall of Copan.

BA drop in trade within Mesoamenica is unlikely to have caused the fall of Copan because there is little evidence to show that Copan was a major trading center.

CThough some claim that Copán declined because of a severe drought, evidence shows that problems began before a drought would have started.

DCopan declined in part because of the kings decision to use practical management techniques instead of traditional rituals.

EObsidian found at archaeological digs shows it was a prevalent imported material that became unavailable during the decline of Copan.

FInformation about elite rituals as well as demographic clues suggest that the Copan dynasty probably did not fall until after 950 AD.